In a dramatic show of unity, Georgia’s often fractured opposition gathered at the presidential palace in Tbilisi, standing shoulder to shoulder behind the president, Salome Zourabichvili, as she defiantly announced, “I do not recognize these elections. Recognizing them would be tantamount to legitimizing Russia’s takeover of Georgia … We cannot surrender our European future for the sake of future generations.”
The government, controlled by the ruling Georgian Dream party, she said, is “illegitimate” and the election it carried out October 26 was a “complete falsification.”
Her voice rising, she said: “We were not just witnesses but also victims of what can only be described as a Russian special operation – a new form of hybrid warfare waged against our people and our country.”
She urged Georgians to gather in protest Monday evening on the capital’s main street, Rustaveli Avenue, “to peacefully defend every vote and, most importantly, our future.”
The statement was a bold challenge to the Georgian Dream’s founder and now honorary chairman, the reclusive billionaire oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili, who claimed victory in the parliamentary election even before all the votes were counted.
Ivanishvili had vowed to ban the opposition if his party won the election, and his opponents are taking him at his word.
On Saturday, as Georgians cast their ballots, thousands of Georgian and international election observers fanned out to voting precincts across the country, from urban centers to poor, remote villages in the Caucasus mountains, trying to evaluate whether the vote was free and fair.
Throughout election day, video of violations, some of them egregious, like a man boldly jamming ballots into a ballot box, spread quickly.
The day after, at a briefing by the International Republican Institute and the National Democratic Institute, the conclusions were troubling: “systematic” intimidation; harassment of voters inside and outside polling stations; “pervasive intimidation and pressure on public sector employees and social-service benefits recipients.”
Observations by the International Society for Fair Elections and Democracy (ISFED) were even more stark: “On election day, ISFED documented serious violations, such as ballot stuffing of ballot papers, multiple voting, unprecedented levels of voter bribery, expulsion of observers from polling stations, as well as instances of mobilizing voters outside polling stations, collecting their personal data, and controlling their voting intentions.”
In Tbilisi, former US Representative John Shimkus said the intimidation and harassment of voters created an “atmosphere of fear.”
Swedish Member of Parliament Margareta Cederfelt added: “The government’s continued harassment and intimidation of voters and civil society not only during the election period, but well before it, has threatened Georgia’s democratic underpinnings.”
The Georgian opposition owes its new unity to the efforts of President Zourabichvili, a person some of them used to criticize, but now respect.
“She is on the right side of history,” said opposition politician Nika Gvaramia. “She is the only one who can unite people.”
Speaking at his Ahali party headquarters, part of the “Coalition 4 Change” just off Tbilisi’s main street, Gvaramia, along with Elene Khoshtaria, founder of the “Droa” party, told reporters: “Russia hacked the (Georgian) election.”
Moscow, they claimed, is carrying out a “hybrid war” with new and different means of technical meddling, and it’s right out of “Putin’s playbook.”
The West, they said, isn’t even playing catch up.
Meanwhile, the Georgian government announced that its first high-level visitor after the election will be Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who plans to spend October 28 and 29 in a high-profile show of support to the Georgian Dream government.
The illiberal leader has found common cause with Georgia’s ruling party and was the first international leader to congratulate them after the election – even before the votes were officially tallied.